A Venezuelan citizen displays an inked finger after voting in a presidential election in 2006 (Juan Mabromata/Getty Images).

By Christopher Mason
GV Correspondent

OTTAWA - It has been some years since "Vive le revolucion!" was ringing through the capital cities and farmlands of restive Latin American countries.

The end of the Cold War, growing trade partnerships, steps towards greater regional cohesiveness and most recently a renewed U.S. relationship with Latin America have all gone a long way to distancing central and southern America from the tumultuous years when coups, dictators and faulty elections seemed commonplace.

In a recent address, Organization of American States (OAS) Secretary General José Miguel Insulza welcomed a new era in hemispheric relations, moving on from military dictatorships and embracing strengthened democratic institutions.

Both within the OAS and throughout academic and political circles there has been much talk about progress and challenges experienced in efforts to bolster democracy in Latin America.

"Latin America was ready for a period of change, after the problems it faced in the 80s and 90s," Insulza said in a recent speech.

There has been much fodder for discussions on this period of change. Long-term, structural progress have been made in countries such as Costa Rica, but challenges remain in countries such as Cuba and, more recently, Honduras that have re-ignited discussions about regional relationships.

Democratic reform will be among the key themes discussed during an upcoming e-conference hosted by the Centre for International Governance Innovation, the OAS and the Canadian International Council. 

The e-conference, set to launch Sept. 29 and run through mid-November, will provide a forum for experts from Canada and throughout the hemisphere to discuss democratic institutions, efforts to form a common strategy for Haiti, energy and the environment and finally efforts to fight for human rights throughout Latin America.

The conference serves as a pilot for future outreach across the hemisphere, and allows the OAS to engage in and build relationships with Canadian media, think thanks, universities and NGOs.

Each of the four themes, which will be broken down into key topics, will form the basis for three-day discussions through video speeches and panels as well as online forums. The conference web site includes information on each theme, as well as instructions on how to register as a participant.

In the coming weeks, Governance Village (GV) will explore those key themes. This week, GV takes a look at efforts to strengthen and sustain democratic institutions in Latin America.

Those efforts have been tested of late by the coup in Honduras. But signs of a new, liberalized approach have been encouraging- most notably the OAS decision to lift its 47-year suspension of Cuba's membership which dated back to the Cuban Revolution.

"The Summit of the Americas showed that if we adopt a posture of engagement and partnership and leave aside unilateral temptations, even the hardest positions may be mellowed," Insulza said.

The frank discussions about democracy in Latin America are well timed. The region is poised to experience a crucial test of its democratic reforms, as between 2009 and 2011 14 countries are expected to choose new leaders amid a crippling economic climate that has unsettled both the citizenry and political classes in many countries.

The region is sending important messages to those who do not support democratic institutions. Among them, the latest Summit of the Americas held in Trinidad and Tobago marked the first time such a meeting was open only to leaders who had been elected by their citizens.

But challenges remain.

Recently, evidence surfaced suggesting the government of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez was providing assistance to commanders of Colombia's largest rebel group, through weapons deals and transport on Venezuelan soil.

Meanwhile, the June ousting of Honduran President Manuel Zelaya is seen by many as a threat to the democratic process in other countries, whose leaders may face similar challenges if the coup proves to be a successful way of unseating a political adversary. According to the OAS, the outlook is grim for a return to power by Zelaya.

"This coup really surprised us," said Jorge Acevedo, the deputy head of a human rights organization in Honduras. "We thought the issue of civilian rule was something we had resolved a long time ago."

The coup has had a ripple effect elsewhere. Argentina leader Cristina Fernandez, whose popularity has waned, took a stand, saying that democracy across the region would be undermined if the interim government of Honduras was allowed to remain in power until Nov. 29 presidential elections. Argentina also expelled Honduras' ambassador to Argentina, who supported the interim government.

"It would be enough for someone to stage a civilian coup, backed by armed forces, or simply a civilian one and later justify it by convoking elections," Fernandez said. "And then democratic guarantees would truly be fiction."

Honduras' interim government responded swiftly to Fernandez, giving Argentina's diplomatic mission in Honduras 72 hours to leave the country. 

Opposition leaders elsewhere have suggested other Latin American governments may face similar situations if the coup in Honduras proves successful.

"I think Zelaya gave enough reasons to be removed from government-reasons that exist in abundance in Venezuela," Venezuelan opposition leader Jose Luis Farias said recently. "Chavez has violated the constitution a lot more than Zelaya did."

Chavez himself said Cuba's Fidel Castro told him the situation in Honduras will "open the door to the wave of coups coming in Latin America."

Elsewhere, Bolivian opposition member Ruben Costas called the ouster of Zelaya a logical reaction to "a process that follows the same book as Chavez, which only seeks constitutional changes to perpetuate strongmen."

While speaking on a radio station he added "there is a limit in countries where we are suffering abuses."

Meanwhile, Ecuador's President Rafael Correa, an ally of Zelaya and Chavez, said, "We have intelligence reports that say that after Zelaya, I'm next."

An annual survey released last fall by the Inter-American Development Bank suggested the effects of the global financial crisis would put additional pressure on Latin American governments striving to strengthen democratic institutions.

The poll found that only 37 percent of Latin Americans surveyed said they were satisfied with the results of democracy, while 70 percent believe their country is governed for the benefit of a few groups and only 21 percent said social inequalities are diminishing.

Observers will be watching for signs of improvement among those indicators and others. But since that survey was released last fall, the deepening of the recession and the threats to democratic stability may serve only to increase the challenges in ensuring the region continues to strengthen democratic institutions.